Water as a Mythological Symbol

Water as a Mythological Symbol

A number of social systems assign mythological significance to water. The view of water as a mythological symbol dates back to the Vedic era (Baartmans, 1990). Consequently, water has been used in the determination of socio-ritual purity rigors. It has also been used for purification purposes in a number of communities since the Vedic era. The paper concentrates on the mythological role of water to a number of social systems. The social hierarchy in the systems was determined by two distinct aspects: pollution and purity. The notions are used by the communities in the determination and reinforcement of unbalanced access, control and water utility. The perspective and vision of the societies concerning water management supremacy has escalated unequal distribution and utility of the resource (Joshi, 2006).

The paper focused on a rural setup of the Hindu community. The notions of pollution and purity were considered fundamental in the culture. The peripheral confines of an individual’s body defined his/her impurity. Water has been extensively utilized in determining an individual’s purity. Consequently, the culture’s ritualism focused on the upholding and manipulation of impurity and purity. Purity was guaranteed when a person engages with actors and things that are deemed pure. Moreover, the person was expected to distance him/herself from impure actors or things. Therefore, water is extensively utilized as a purification medium in the culture. The Sudras had the responsibilities of human head cremation, dealing with dead animals, cutting nails and performing other cleaning assignments. Consequently, they were considered impure and polluted. The activities were inherited throughout their generations (Joshi, 2006).

Therefore, water resources stratified the societal hierarchy. The paper determines the belief’s origin besides the existing cultural and social contexts of the belief including its prevalence. During the Vedic era, water was used as an agent of purification. Apah was the name that represented the substance. According to Rg Veda, the ayana resided in water. Ayana was the everlasting being in the culture. Water was therefore given the name pratishtha to imply the fundamental principle behind the origin of the universe. Water was believed to originate from heaven. Man made channels formed the path along which water flowed. The ocean was believed to be the final destination of the flow of water. The culture believed that God moved at the middle of the waters in the channels with the intention of surveying mankind’s lies and truths. Furthermore, the waters were regarded as cleansing agents besides being considered the reason behind the Deities’ strength (Joshi, 2006).

Furthermore, Vedic texts regarded the feminine principle (Sakti) as a water manifestation. Therefore, the waters were referred to as goddesses that quenched the thirst of cattle. Purusa, an ancient celestial man, came from the waters. Water was assigned the female gender and a sacred character according to Satpatha Brahmanas. Furthermore, it was viewed as a medium through which spiritual enlightenment could be attained. The normal role of water was dominated by its use as a mythological symbol. Consequently, water was used for spiritual purification. Within the community, water was considered the beginning pathway towards divine order attainment. Spiritual sacrifice entailed using water during ritual ceremonies and was considered a gateway towards achieving eternity. For instance, an individual could be liberated from impurity and sin by taking a purification bath. Bathing was the process undertaken to remove physical imperfection (Joshi, 2006).

Contact with water was believed to be the most vital component of the bathing process. The other critical element of the cleansing process was knowledge attainment since it rendered an individual sinless and drew him/her towards the Everlasting Self. Early texts clarify the purity of the substance thus an individual was not expected to forward his/her prayers to the substance. Instead, the person was required to address the spirituality and life source within the substance. Consequently, water was known to be the purified as well as the purifier. The community believed that the Eternal Self was performed water purification. The purifying aspect resulted from water’s ability to purify imperfect individuals that (Baartmans, 1990).

Ritualism was the other aspect that was governed by water in the Hindu culture because it was mandatory during the purification process of the body of an individual. The law books clearly stated the Sudras’ role and their community ranking. They engaged in polluting and defiling tasks thus were considered impure and imperfect. Maintenance of purity in the community entailed discriminating the Sudras that were regarded as impure. Ethical, communal and phenotypic discrimination was prevalent towards the Sudras. They resided outside the confinement of the village. For instance, the Candalas struck a piece of wood following since a Sudra individual had appeared in their land. Other community members were therefore warned to cease from making any interacting with the Sudra member (Kane, 1974).

It was punishable for other community members to physically contact a Sudra person. Death or castration was the punishment faced by an individual that violated the simple rule that alienated members of the Sudra community from other members of the village. A cleansing bath was used for the purification process in case a community member had made a physical interaction with a Sudra individual. The mere act of conversing with a Sudra prompted seeking the opinion and consent of a Bahman for purification. When a member of the Sudra community appeared in the other villages, purification was carried out using a number of ways. The victim was expected to glance at the stars, moon or the sun or use water to rinse his/her mouth. Generally, water was used for purification purposes following contamination from a member of the Sudra community. Polluted water could not be used for cooking food since individuals that ate such food were considered impure by the other community members. It was also not recommended for the non-Sudra community members to use polluted water for any other purpose. This could render them impure. Moreover, when Sudras touched a well or any water source, then both the well and the water source were considered polluted thus using water obtained from the well could pollute the user. Purification of such waters entailed a number of rituals (Khera, 1997).

Besides the polluted Sudras, pollution was also caused by touching individuals during nativity and death processes. Persons could be polluted by touching mourning members and transporting the corpse for burial site. The Sudras were equated to living cemetery’. Women could not be touched during child birth or menstruation since the act could result into impurity. Water was extensively used as a cleansing agent for the pollution.

The paper further narrowed down to Chuni, a mountain village found within the Kumaoni Hills. The paper observed the mythological symbolism attached to water in the village in comparison with that of other villages in the Northern part of India. The rank of the social groups was observed to be Khanka, Bishts, Basnayats, Joshis, Giris and Goswamis, Airis and Tamtas and Agaris. Occupationally, groups ranged from landlords to laborers. The village had an abundant supply of water. According to the beliefs of the community, sustainability of the village waters was guaranteed by the Water Goddess. Continuous flow of the village waters was believed to be an indicator of continued blessings. The water springs that are used by the Naulas were considered to be the residence for Jal Devi (the Water Goddess). Consequently, they are worshipped. The Naulas are also revered thus rituals were performed during their construction. The waters were used on a daily basis for ritual worship. The use of the springs to perform rituals was also noted during marriages and other traditional cultural festivals of the Hindu community (Agarwal & Narain, 1997).

Focusing on the purification role of the substance to the village members, polluted persons were banned from accessing sacred water sources to prevent the sources from pollution. Consequently, birth, death and menstruation processes prompt the mixing of waters from River Ganga and the Naulas. The mixed water was sprinkled on individuals that wanted to be cleansed. The purification re-integrates the individuals into the community. Purification guaranteed access to the Naulas and other sacred water sources. Members of the Dalit community were considered impure. Consequently, any physical contact made with the Dalits necessitated purification where Naula water was sprinkled to the individuals. Sitting places contaminated by the Dalits were also cleansed using water (Agarwal & Narain, 1997).

The enactment of the 1997 Garhwal and Kumaon Water Act terminated the community’s customary rights with regard to the conservation, distribution and collection of water. The state took over the rights of the water sources from the locals. However, the water resources are still controlled by particular households. The families determine the social access of the resources depending on whether an individual is pure or impure. The culture prohibits the Dalits from accessing the water sources excluding those that were allocated to them. According to Ganga Devi, her Dalit nephew was beaten following an accusation that she stole water from an out-of-bound Naula belonging to the Goswamis. Purification of the source entailed drawing water out of the well. The purification also included a ritual prayer (Rangan, 1997).

Access to the areas that surrounded the Naulas confined to individuals that were not considered polluted. The Dharma concept was meant to guarantee exclusion of polluted individuals from accessing sacred areas. Dalits that did not violate the laws of the Naulas were positively recommended by other community members. A reduction in the level of water in the Naulas  was believed to have been caused by pollution. The contamination of the water sources was linked to women that visited the sources during their impure state. Before the water sources dry out, the community believed that the appearance of white snakes signified an expression of wrath from their Goddess. Devi Path was used for purifying the Naulas under such circumstances. A calf was presented to Brahman during the purification ritual. Accusations were not directed to the Dalits since any accusations fashioned against them implied that they secretly and repeatedly accessed the sacred water sources. The accusations may yield critical political damages. Severe consequences and punishments were subjected to the Dalits that failed to live by the law. For instance, a school teacher of the Dalit origin was compelled to leave the village after having accessed a Naula that belonged to the upper castes (Joshi, 2006).

Conclusion

Water utility as a mythological symbol is prevalent among many communities. Purity and pollution are the core aspects that govern the utility of the natural resource within the communities. Certain communities use water for worship. Water is also used to perform rituals and other traditional customary festivals. Water beliefs among the Hindu community prevail to date. Consequently, social stratification has emerged. Social classification and discrimination has adversely affected the disadvantaged groups that are barred from accessing certain sacred water sources. Social inequality persists within the Hindu community. Despite the efforts of the state towards addressing the negative social aspect, the discrimination prevails at the local level as evidenced within Chuni village.

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