Problem: Lack of descriptive representation in public office

Outline:

Introduction
Overview of descriptive representation in public office
Elective Offices
Voting Rights Act
Electoral manipulation
Women Representation
Gender disparity and underrepresentation
Racial representation
Anglos and Non- Anglos
Recommendations
Advocating for a neutral electoral system
Conclusion
Better descriptive representation

Introduction

In the twenty first century, there has been remarkable disparity within the American political arena with regard to race and gender. This has been a contemporary issue such that incorporating women and people of color in public office has been a political issue altogether. The U.S is characterized by multi-ethnicity that must be considered in the governing structures. However, this has not always been the case since underrepresentation is notable in local, state as well as federal governments. The ethnic groups in the U.S pursue political representation in a manner to reflect the power and resilience of the American democracy in response to demographic transformation (Hardy-Fanta et al., 2005). This paper shall explore the problem of lack of descriptive representation in public office (e.g. women and Minorities are underrepresented in elected office) within the context of American politics.

Elective Offices

There are assumptions that elective offices held by the minority groups are on the rise. For instance, African Americans elected leadership results from rise in women office holders. The problem of underrepresentation exists in every ethnic minority group although they differ in descriptive representation. Of importance, black women have a critical task in attainment of descriptive representation in these ethnic groups. Additionally, the U.S multicultural leadership has risen, but the interaction among them is minimal. This is to say that the local political level could offer offers a timely chance for establishing inter-minority coalitions. Moreover, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 established the majority-minority districts, which are mostly significant during election of racial minorities such as blacks (Hardy-Fanta et al., 2005).

Voting Rights Act

The Act aimed at safeguarding the ethnic minority group’s rights to vote particularly in the South. This had a big impact of re-empowerment of the blacks via an exceptional struggle of voter registration. On the other hand, the majorities in the south responded strategically towards the federal legislation through altering the electoral rules in their respective cities to have a limited minority representation (Trebbi et al, 2007). This was a partial success since the jurisdiction intervened. At-large elections in the U.S involve a majority in the cities electing their representatives of the city council or even districts from respective wards. The ethnic majorities anticipated for the rise in black voters following the Voting Right Act that established at-large electoral rules during a time when cities contained less ethnic minorities for them to gain all seats. On the other hand, greater minorities shared the chance to lose the entire city, which prompted the whites as a majority to restrict blacks’ votes in minority-packed districts as well as single-member district. This is the determination of electoral rules (Trebbi et al, 2007).

Minority representation has hence been manipulated through strategic manipulation of electoral rules as seen by voting experiences in the U.S prior and following the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Then, the ethnic minority groups faced exclusion in the American South. As a result, the electoral institutions were inappropriate in dictating the control power of the majorities as whites. Voting Rights Act enabled the ethnic minorities to participate politically as the whites responded, inside the legal limits of VRA through manipulating electoral rules to limit the predictable minority effect. As a result, electoral rules changed rapidly with regard to the surroundings and continue to depict their exogenous nature (Trebbi et al., 2007). The majorities have a tendency to marginalize the minority groups by strategically manipulating electoral rules. When the minorities are many, the chances of losing for the majority in a region is high, which prompts them to have the minority votes restricted in a minority –packed districts.

Women Representation

Women began to be elected to the public office during 1970s and 80s and by then, gender disparity in the public office was evident. The women aired different policy preferences, were a bit aged and with less children. They were mostly social workers and not married. However, in the recent past, women have dominated the legislatures and demographic gender parity in the public office continues to diminish. The conceptual gender gap in the U.S voters depicts women legislatures as being liberal concerning social problems, environment and abortion in comparison to men legislators (Donovan et al., 2010).

Women representation has been rising in state legislatures in the recent decades but it remains minimal as compared to the women population in the U.S i.e. 24.2 and 50.7% in 2010. Therefore, women are underrepresented within the public office. In 2010, almost 30.9% of the democratic state legislatures were female and just 15.8% of the Republican state legislatures. As a result, women have a better representation in by the democrat as compared to the republicans in the state legislatures. The American population contains 50.7% of women and less republican voters are women as compared to democrats (Donovan et al., 2010). From 1976, gender representation has favored Latinos and African Americans as compared to Anglos. From a research study in 2003 elections, women comprised 21% white legislatures, 35% black lawmakers and 29% Latinos (Donovan et al., 2010).

Racial Representation

Non-Hispanic whites/Anglos comprise the majority in the U.S i.e. 66.1%. Therefore, the non-Anglos who comprise of Native American, Asians, African Americans, and Hispanics etc. are regarded as the minorities. All the same, the Anglos comprise of the minority group in Hawaii i.e. 24.8% as well as New Mexico i.e. 42.5%. Therefore, the legislatures in the said states are represented by the majority with Hawaii and New Mexico taking a 1.05 and 0.88 representation ratios respectively (Donovan et al., 2010). Notably, is a state comprising many non-Anglos, they have a better representation in the state legislature. However, it is not similar to assume that minorities’ legislatures exceed in states where more such individuals reside. But the more non-Anglos a state has, the more the parity of the legislative racial presentation. A state could have less non-Anglos in population and legislature as well as alike representation although it is not always the case. African Americans have a high proportion in American North and South big cities and in turn depict more on descriptive representation (Donovan et al., 2010).

The states having a higher proportion of Latinos such as California, Florida as well as New Mexico or ones having a higher proportion of Native Americans such as Oklahoma depict a high descriptive representation. Conversely, the states, which are more homogeneous such ad Maine or West Virginia appears to have a minimal representative. Some states do not comply to the trend like Delaware, which has a less representative even when its minority population is the same to that of South Carolina and Alabama. Ohio on the other hand depicts even representation although its non-Anglos population is slightly lower as compared to Oregon and Kansas. The discrepancy could be as a result of living patterns where concentrated groups elect their own (Donovan et al., 2010).

Recommendations

In 1994, women comprised of 11% of the United States House of Representatives. The reason for the gender disparity was attributed to the electoral arrangements in electing legislators. Besides, the political and socio-economic framework was also a determinant. Favorable social context does not replace disparaging electoral systems, for enhanced gender representation in local as well as parliamentary legislatures (Rule, 1994). However, unfavorable social context such as cultural prejudices and discriminatory acts could be overshadowed by having alternative electoral systems. The electoral system should become neutral since it is the one used in exclusion or inclusion of the groups. The system is willing to transform quicker than social prejudices as well as other obstacles to women’s election chances and equal representation. Democracy does not reflect if women and minority groups cannot effectively elect their preferred representatives to pass legislations in their favor and for the benefit of the whole society. Many female representatives for instance, would mean that children’s rights would be included in the laws. A fair representation is determined by the ratio of representation to population to determine its equity and should always be pursued (Rule, 1994).

Conclusion

The 2008 elections triggered debates on racial representation when president Obama was elected in office. On the same note, one questions whether enhanced descriptive representation would alter anything in public policy and authority. This can only be assessed from the women and minorities’ lawmaking and how it varies from the men and the majority whites. All the same, improved descriptive representation would be preferable because the principles and preferences of the minority and women would have a better reflection in policy making (King, 2010). For instance African American men and white women legislators have a higher interest in education social welfare as well as health policies while African American females depict a higher interest in progressive legislations (Donovan et al., 2010). On the other hand, Latino legislators depict a higher attentiveness in immigrating as well as bilingual education. This is reflected in their committees, bills and legislation voting. Essentially, the differences show the values to which they represent. However, non-Anglos and females have a better representation in state legislatures while their values have a healthier reflection in the public policy and should therefore be included (Donovan et al., 2010).

References

Donovan, T., Mooney, C. Z & Smith, D. A. (2010). State and Local Politics: Institutions and Reform. Boston, MA: Cengage Learning.

Hardy-Fanta, C., Sierra, C. M., Lien, P., Pinderhughes, D. M. & Davis, W. L. (2005). Race, Gender, and Descriptive Representation: An Exploratory View of Multicultural Elected Leadership in the United States. Washington, D. C: American Political Science Association. Retrieved on July 14, 2011 from http://www.gmcl.org/pdf/APSA9-05- 05.pdf

King, K. (2010). African American Politics. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.

Rule, W. (1994). “Women’s Underrepresentation and Electoral Systems.” American Political Science Association: Political Science and Politics 27 (4): 689-692. Retrieved on July 14, 2011 from http://www.jstor.org/pss/420369

Trebbi, F., Aghion, P. & Alesina, A. (2007). Electoral rules and Minority Representation in U.S. cities. Retrieved on July 14, 2011 from http://www.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/alesina/files/electoralrules-0407.pdf