Caste in India

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Caste in India

This book reveals the function of caste in Indian politics. It has been done from another point of view using a different methodology. The new viewpoint has gradually emerged from the latest caste studies from political analysts. Rajni Kothari’s has gathered these studies and put them together in this volume. The book’s introduction shows the unity beneath these efforts. It blends these studies and presents a new perspective of these studies. This book has nine studies of caste, political forms and processes. All these have been unified by the editor at the introduction of this book. The introduction consists of issues, which give importance to every contribution. Therefore, readers of this book should be keen on the introduction. Kothari mentions about some fundamental questions to the study done on political phenomena. He is also concerned about the relationship between social structure and policies (Kothari, 23).

This volume discusses about the nature of caste. Caste is made of social groups, which consist of people with common interests. Mostly they are said to be groups with rituals and religious purity. These groups range from high to lower levels depending on their origin. However, it is said that there is no accurate definition of caste. This is because some scholars view them as general social classes whereas others consider them only relevant to the Hindus. Caste in India is usually beneficial to politicians (Kothari, 31). They get followers and support from these groups. It is most applicable in the rural areas because the politicians find it simpler to get support. They take advantage of the fact that the rural areas settlers are likely to be illiterate and ignorant to current affairs. The approach is also easy because they will address them directly and appeal for their support.

Today, the political system is favorable to the people. The illiterate and uninformed people are educated about democracy and they should no longer be deceived by democracy. This is done via the caste groups because they form an important organizational group. The groups determine where the people are going to live. Politics takes the caste and designs it to its convenience. Politicians get their power by controlling caste to be what they want. When the politicians manage to win over as many groups as possible, they are now assured of votes. The people are advised to make informed decisions by understanding their rights and obligations. The influence of politicians should not direct them to the wrong way (Kothari, 57).

According to Kothari, caste has a big position in India’s politics. When the states of India were being reorganized, it was ensured that there would be no caste group, which will dominate a state. Despite the fact that untouchability is forbidden by the constitution, people of Harijan and Adivasi are protected legally. Efforts to bring equality in socially and economically have been made but they fail. This is because they affect politics in a negative way. Caste is significant element of politics because there is competition in politics. Caste is a barrier since the society cannot have equality. Kothari continues to state that politicians would like to caste to end. However, they will suffer political consequences from that (Kothari, 64). They would not like caste to end because it assists them to get votes. There is a solution to this uncertainty. Kothari suggests that to overcome this issue, the implications and the subject itself should be recognized.

The author of this book lays down aspects of caste system. In the first, he clarifies that there is not much concentration on the secular dimension of caste. In addition, caste system is characterized by factionalism and several other patterns. There is a constant strive to achieve social mobility in caste. The second aspect focuses on integrating a person’s social status with his or her economic roles. This integration will enable everyone to have a place of high identification. The third aspect is the perspective of consciousness. Kothari puts it as the caste is not driven by politics. It is actually the caste that becomes politicized. He meant that it is seen as if politics that propagates caste. On the contrary, the castes allow influence from politicians (280).

Rajni Kothari concludes by discussing the about the emerging castes. He says that initially, there have been three major castes. They are widespread in religion, economic and socially in the whole country. These groups are namely Thakurs, Brahmins and Kayasthas. The Brahmins are 5.5 percent and Kshatriyas are roughly 4 percent. The general population of the Hindus referred to as forward is 17.6 percent. The ones referred to as backward are 43.7 percent. Four groups of castes are found in the north whereas three groups have settled in the south (312). The northern parts have more caste issues than the southern part, which has only three groups. These conflicts are between the backward and forward Indians. These two titles were acquired during colonialism. Since independence, many things have changed in the backward group. The so-called backward Indians have become informed of their rights. They usually fight for fairness and equality. Parts of east and northeast have less influence of castes. The backward group got their position after the zamindari system was dismissed. This was done through the help of Dr. Ram Manobar Lohia. Today, the backward Hindus are very import in the political arena because they are also a target of politicians. Associating with caste has assisted in a big way in achieving political democracy. It has been possible because it provided a platform for communication to the people and leadership. Through communication, people from the rural areas are now informed and they practice their democratic rights like voting. A suggestion should be made that the backward Indians should no longer be referred to that name. They are influential in both society and the country at large (356).

Works cited

Kothari, Rajni. Caste in Indian politics. New Delhi: Orient Longman. 1995. Print.